Indigenous versus ethnic
I ponder over how to determine the identity of an indigenous community; having its own language and then, distict social customs, daily rituals, celebrations and attire. Once I took jounnerys into the life of the plain land indigenous communities in Rajshahi and Dinajpur districts, the same language (sadri) is common for all communities except for the Shantals. Karam, the main festival is celebrated by all – Oraon, Munda, Pahan, Mahato, Malo, Shing and others. Then, should I mention them as different indigenous groups?
With the introduction of the Missionaries, another class is now identifies among the indigenous people – the Kiristans (more educated, enlightened and favoured by the church) – enjoys a more respected position in social ladder.
On the other hand, the gipsies (all five groups) speak a unique language though all look like any Bengali. The language of the Bawm, Pankho and Lushei has a lot of similarilties and all are converted into Chriastianity. The attiare, dance and music are performed only during a cultural evening. The Mro language is probably the newest one in the world was ‘found’ by Men Ley, the spiritual leader who started the new religion too (kramma). The same language and the script are followed by the Khumis too.
KHUMI
In Khumi language, khu means hill and mi
people; meaning people of the high hills. According to the 1991 census, the
population was 1241; now it is estimated to be more than 2000. Khumi people are
mostly nature worshippers.The social rules of the Khumis are very strict.
Village chief settles disputes between individuals and families. This post is
hereditary. When a chief dies, his oldest son is elected for that post in a
meeting called by the village elders.
One has to pay 60 Taka for stealing (it used to be
60 silver coins in the past). For pregnancy resulting from illicit pregnancy,
both parties have to pay a fine of 60 Taka and a pig for the community.
There are many similarities between the Khumis and
Mros in their social customs and way of living and marriage between them also
takes place.
A marriage takes place with consent of parents from
both girls' and boys' side. To confirm a marriage, boys' father goes to girls'
village accompanied by few elders. They carry a rooster, a bottle wine and a
spear with them. According to the rules,
the boys' party spends the first night in somebody else's house and then go to
the girls' house with a matchmaker in the morning. After the gifts are handed
over, they talk about different aspects of marriage. Decision is not taken that
night but the next day after consulting all family members.
Brides' father receives a spear from grooms' side
once the girl is betrothed. The spear is
returned if the marriage is cancelled. As a dowry, girls' father receives a
hundred and twenty silver coins and half a dozen spears. Brides' father also
gives a basket, a female pig and a chicken to the new couple to start a new
family.
When a father visits his daughter, he carries pork
and when a son-in-law visits his wife’s parents, he carres chicken for them as
gifts.
A child gets its' first hair cut at the age of one
or two. A pig or a cow is slaughtered and villagers and relatives are invited
to participate in the feast. Khumis believe that by the second year, hair that
has grown from the womb should be cut; or else they fear that it might harbour
impurity and cause trouble for family and their health.
Twice
a year the Khumis perform pujas. The first one takes place during June-July
before the sowing of seeds to appease the god of the jhum. They sacrifice a pig and a chicken besides a stream from
which they collect water and wash. This is known as wangeeya. During this two- day-ceremony, the village is kept sealed
from outsiders and the villagers remain in the village. All entrances to the
village are closed with bamboo fences. If somebody violates the rule, the
programme is abandoned and the accused has to pay for the puja to start afresh.
When someone dies in the village, a pig, a dog and
a chicken are killed. The dead body is kept inside the house for four to five
days and they continue to play music during the days. Everyone in the village
stops working and gather at the house of the deceased. During the mourning
period, a basket (kokia) is hung from
a pole placed at the centre of the house.
A handful of food is put inside the kokia
during each meal for a year, as they believe that the soul comes back to the
house and stays for year. At the end of a year, the food deposited is thrown
away and a feast is arranged known as the last feast with the dead. A cow or a
pig is slaughtered and food is prepared with produces from the jhum. Villagers and clan members are
invited and the family members of maternal uncles are specially honoured.
Traditional
war dance takes place during festivals when two sides take part with the leader
holding a chopper and shield.Young males play flute and young females hold each
other by the waists while dancing and utter war cries to inspire their leaders.
A leader wears a red turban with feathers of birds. Some wear skins of wild
animals. A gong is accompanied by flutes during this dance. This dance used to
be performed in the old days after a fight between two clans or enemies, when a
leader would return home victorious carrying fallen heads of their opponents.
MRO/MRU/MROCHA/MURONG
Men Ley, the founder of Kramma religion, as depicted in his village home........
Water is scarce during the hot months and water borne disease along malaria are the two biggest killers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Tripura (Shonaton and Ushoi)
A
group of Tripuras living in the Mainyanithlang area of Lushei Hills immigrated
to the Karnaphuli Valley of the Chittagong Hill Tracts during 1463 – 1467
because of a heavy tax imposed upon them by their overlord (Saigal 1978). It is
said that the followers of King Tripur was known as Tripura. There are
thirty-six clans of the Tripura community. The tribe that inhabits Khagrachari
are traditional Hindus while most of the Tripuras living in Bandarban are
Christians and are known as Usoi.
Tripura community is the 3rd largest hill indigenous group in the CHT. Besides
CHT, they are scattered in Sylhet, Srimangal, Sitakunda, Mirsharai, Fatikchari
and Comilla. According to 1991 census, their population was 61,129.
Marriage is conducted by
the achai in the presence of village
elders. After the ceremony that takes place in her house, the bride goes to her
husband’s house. Relatives bless them by placing cotton and rice on their
heads. The new couple also receive gifts at that time. After the marriage, a
groom stays with his in-laws for five years as part of the social custom.
During the end of their stay, the bride’s parents pay some dowry in the form of
land.
A village chief is called roaza and settles disputes in his
community. A minor offence carries a
fine of 5 Takas and a bottle of wine and is administered by the village court
which consists of at least three adults. If a man elopes with a girl, he has to
pay a fine in cash which is spent to feed the villagers. For an illicit affair
which has witnesses, the accused couple have to kill a pig and feed the judges
and neighbours. Sixty percent of the price of the pig is charged to the male
and forty per cent to the woman. As punishment, an old broom, broken head of an
earthen pitcher and pig intestine is placed around the neck of the man who
wears a loincloth only while the woman has to wear an old, torn skirt. The
heads of both the accused are shaved and they have to walk through the village
confessing their guilt and seeking forgiveness. If they refuse to confess, they
are beaten with a cane.
If a woman refuses to be
with her husband, her parents take their daughter back, even if she's has
children. A son inherits his father’s property and the daughter can only
inherit property if the father gives it to her during his lifetime.
A purifying ceremony is
mandatory after the birth of a child. If this is not done, the child will face
criticism and will not be respected. Kuchai
fruit or raw turmeric and insides of ghila
fruit’s is pounded and mixed with water inside a bamboo and sprinkled on the
mother with mango leaves. Then she is taken for a bath in the stream where a
chicken is sacrificed. A puja is
offered with an egg at a junction where 4 roads meet believing that the mother
will be free from the eyes of the evil spirits. Neighbours are invited to this
ritual. Banana leaves are placed on a winnower along with a pot filled with
water and mango leaves and vermilion. Three or five oil lamps are placed with
white wigs smeared with mustard oil. The child is placed on the lap of the
midwife who is presented with 5 Takas, a bottle of wine and a new cloth by the
mother who says, "I have paid for your labour, please accept it.” The
midwife gives the child to the mother and says, "Have you received your
child?" The mother says yes and then together with the achai, three to five people select a
name for the child and light one lamp each. The name chosen by the one whose
lamp burns the brightest will be accepted.
Text
& Photo: Mahmud/Map/Actionaid
Ref: Counting The Hills: Assessing Development
in CHT : M. Rafi & A. Mushtaque R. Chowdhury
The newyear festival is
known as sangrain and continues for
three days. Rilongboe, the water
festival is the most attractive of all the social events of sangrain. This is an opportunity for
young men and women to get to know each other, enhance their social bond, renew
their love or fall in love. A boat is filled with water and groups of young men
and women throw water at each other. Unmarried young females stay close to the
boat within an enclosure while the young men wait outside. Buckets or mugs
filled with water are kept close at hand. The girls wait for the men with their
backs to them. When the men start throwing water at a girl of their choice, the
girls also throw water back with equal enthusiasm. The water fight continues
between different groups of people.
On
the wedding day, the groom starts for the bride’s house with his parents,
friends and a couple who have never fought so much that they had to live
separately. The total number of the people in the entourage has to be an odd
figure. A made chora (a man whose
wife is still alive, who hasn’t divorced his wife and is leading a happy life)
conducts the main parts of the ceremony. Rice or puffed rice kept in a pot is
given to him to sprinkle on couple’s heads as a form of blessing. Guests also
take part in these ceremonies. The couple sits with their heads down till the
blessings are complete. Made chora
takes out a chopper with knotted threads and give one thread each to the person
blessing the couple. This person, in turn, puts the thread around the wrist of
the groom and his bride. The lakchong
cha-cho or eating together takes place after that. The made chora cuts a boiled chicken into small pieces and mixes it
with aromatic spices on a plate. Fish, ginger, rice and potato from the jhum are added to it. First the groom
feeds the bride and then the bride feeds the groom. The custom is that they
will eat some of the food and leave the rest. Eating from one plate is a sign
of staying together and leaving some food on the plate is a symbol of saving
for the future while feeding each other symbolizes caring for and sharing with
each other. The thread tied to their wrist is to be kept on throughout the
night. In olden days, a chopper would be placed between the two on the bed for
three to seven nights and the couple would not touch each other during that
time. The leftover food is kept in a white cloth. The next morning the bride
and the groom, each carrying a pitcher, go to the nearby river or stream. The made chora carries the leftover food and
makes up the entourage. Half the food is thrown on the bank of the river for
the animals and the other half is thrown in the river for the fish and other
aquatic animals. Flowing water from the river is used to fill the pitchers
which are then exchanged between the couple before they return to the house. In
some families, the quantity of the water in each pitcher is measured to predict
who is the luckier of the two.
Text:
Kay Shay Prue; Photo: Mahmud/Map/Actionaid
Ref:
Counting The Hills: Assessing Development in CHT, Edited by: M. Rafi & A.
Mushtaque R. Chowdhury
Monitor lizard is a delicacy. This reptile although is not hunted by the indigenous people to keep a steady supply during the bi-weekly market, rather supplied by the Bangalees. The same goes for the frogs.
BAWM, PANKHO, LUSHEI
The
Chinese tribes - Bawm, Pankho, Lushei, Khumi and Mro – started inhabiting the
hilltops of southern Asia many centuries ago and gradually became isolated from
the others because of the difficult access to their villages. Known for their
hunting prowess, these may be the very tribes mentioned as Kuki or Bonjugis by
the early researchers.The origin of the word, ‘Bawm’ may have come from its
meaning - to unite, merge, to become one or share. According to a common Bawm
legend, they originated from a cave called Chinlung believed to be located in
China. The language of this group is related to that of the Mongoloid people.
The Bawms are divided into two principal clans – the Sun thla and the Pang
hawi. These clans are further divided into 56 sub-groupings each. It is said
that the wealthy and powerful founded each clan. Their folk tale describes
Chinlung caves in China as the ancestral land of the Bawm, Pankho and the
Lusheis. Living in about 70 villages in Ruma, Bandarban Sadar, Roangchari,
Thanchi and Bilaichari, about 9,000 Bawms are now living in Bangladesh.
Nothing
is known about the Bawm script. In 1894, the Roman script was introduced to
Aijal in Tripura by two missionaries - Lorrain and Savidge. Until 1956 the
Bawms used Christian hymns and the Bible printed in Lushei/Mizo language. In
1956 and 1957 their hymn-books and Bibles were printed in the Roman script
which has now become their own.
When
a proposal for marriage is given to a girl’s father, an advance of 500 Takas is
made as a token of betrothal by the boy’s parents. This is known as cai sea (to give word). If a betrothed
girl is subsequently given to someone else or if she elopes with someone, her
parents have to pay a fine of 3000 Takas to the boy’s father. It is customary
for the groom’s family to pay 3000 Takas to the bride’s parents during the
marriage ceremony.
The
Bawms are a monogamous people; divorce is rare and a widow can marry again.
Polygamy is strictly prohibited in this community. Marriage within a clan is
not allowed. A man can marry his maternal uncle’s daughter but not his maternal
aunt’s daughter and a girl cannot marry her maternal aunt’s son. Early marriage
is not practiced in these communities. In the traditional system of marriage
the boy’s family sends two male representatives to the girl’s parents three
times. The series of visits, if followed, would be interpreted as a
confirmation of marriage engagement. Custom demands that the new bride remain
at her husband’s home for six days before she returns to her parent’s home for
a visit on the seventh day for a visit – she is accompanied by her husband and
others.
KHYANG
Khyangs
strongly believe in two theories about their migration to CHT from Myanmar
(Phayre 1841). Firstly, that they are
direct descendents of Burmese refugees or an army contingent who got lost in
the mountains while attempting to move westward. Secondly, that one of their
kings during a battle with the king of Burma fled from that country to CHT.
While returning home he left behind his youngest queen in CHT as she was
pregnant. The Khyangs are the descendents of the queen (Phayre, 1883). The
Khyangs possibly migrated to CHT at the same time as the Marmas. A popular folk
tale depicting their origin in Bangladesh goes like this: Two sisters lived in
the hills. One day they decided to migrate to Burma and were fishing for
shrimps before leaving. The older sister was fishing in a river and, the
younger one, in a stream. Both were cooking in separate places. While cooking,
the older sister thought the shrimps were red and well cooked and ate in a
hurry. The younger one was cooking for a long time and was not happy, as the
shrimps were not getting red. Meanwhile the older sister was ready with her
group to cross the sea. In those days, a genie was in charge of ferrying people
across the sea. Seeing the older sister and her people, he made a bridge by
joining seven pieces of leather hide for them to cross. The younger sister
arrived late. Seeing her, the genie ripped off the bridge and she couldn’t
cross. Khyang people call the genie, moyunai meaning ‘no Intention to take’.
From that time on, her people are known as Khyang. Most of the Khyangs are
settled in Bandarban and some in Rangamati. According to Bandarban District
Statistics Bureau, their population was 2,105 in 1997 while the national census
in 1991 showed a population of 1,950.
The people who live in the plains are called Laitu Hiu and those who live on higher ground are called Kongtu Hiu.
CHAKMA & TAUNCHAGYA
A
folk tale suggests that the Chakmas migrated from Champaknagar. However, the
historians are not in consensus on the exact location of Champaknagar (Mohsin
1997). Mughal records indicate that Alikadam (presently a Thana in Bandarban)
was the capital of a Chakma Raja as early as 1711 AD (Serazuddin 1971). It is
believed that the Chakmas in this region initially displaced the Kukis in the
south but finally settled in the central and north-eastern region (Haque 1998).
Although the presence of Chakmas in CHT has been established beyond controversy
their origin still remains a mystery.
Bir
Kumar Taunchangya mentioned them (the Chakmas) as the offsprings of luck (bhagya) in ‘Taunchangya Parichiti’. They
travelled from north to south and again from south to north after leaving
behind their ancestral Mongoloid abode. Historically, they are known as Chakma,
Taunchangya Chakma, Sak and Doignak and they are the fourth largest group in
the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Chakma
and Taunchangya are considered to be separate ethnic groups with the same
language and the same culture - both social and religious. Jogesh Chandra
Taunchangya mentioned in his ‘Taunchangya Tribe’ booklet, “Only Chakmas used to
call the Taunchangyas as Tointongya and were called Anokya in return.” Some
researchers have mentioned Taunchangyas as a sub-group of the Chakmas. The
history of Chakma and Taunchangya are the same. They believe they originated
from Champaknagar though the trace of that place has not been confirmed as yet.
There was a dispute and one part settled in Auxa (present day Arakan) and the
other in Agartala and around Chittagong (then Chadigaon) to the south.
During
a marriage, the boy’s parents send a proposal to the parents of the girl they
like. If they receive a positive answer, they visit the girl’s house with a
bottle of wine. This visit is known as seeing the bride and takes place three
times after which the wedding is arranged. Chumulung
(formal way of pairing the couple) is arranged in the bride’s house and the
groom returns to his home after a week. In olden days, parents would decide on
the match for their children but these days, the boys' and the girls' opinion
is sought. When a couple decide to marry secretly they elope. This known as dhejana. The girl’s parents are informed
on the following day. If her parents are agreeable, the marriage takes place in
the presence of the village elders. If not, she is taken back home. If a girl
runs away three times, her parents can’t take her back. In that case, the
lovebirds are fined for breaking the social norms whether or not their marriage
takes place. Widows can remarry and it is known as rani shanga. One can’t marry someone who is connected by blood or a
member of the immediate family or within the circle of relatives.
Photo:
Mahmud/Map
Taunchangya
GARO/MANDI
HAJONG
Garo,
Hajong, Koch, Dalu, Banai and Hadi – all these people live close to the Garo
Hills of India. The Garos are the biggest community among these and the next in
size come the Hajongs. About 20,000 Hajongs live in Susong Durgapur, Dhobaura,
Komlakanda, Haluaghat, Nalitabari in greater Mymensingh and Bangshikunda,
Sunamgonj, Tahirpur and Bisshamvarpur of greater Sylhet districts. Rev. Sidne (check the spelling) Endel thinks
that, during 17th century, the Hajongs were uprooted and settled in the plains
of the Garo Hills. In the Kachari language of Assam, hajong means the people of the hill/mountain (ha is hill, jo is
mountain and ong is human). Even
though they have no script, their language is mentioned as one of Tibeto-Burman
origin. Words from Bangla, Ahamia (Assamese) and Kachari are present in the
Hajong spoken language which also has similarities with Garo, Koch, Banai and
Hadi.
Hajongs
idenfy themselves as traditional Hindus and worship all the major gods and goddesses.
They also worship the spirits of the forests and the hills as was done by their
forefathers. Kamakkha Devi is their goddess of power and magic and is revered
by this community. In most Hajong villages, a Kamakhha temple is seen and
animal or birds are sacrificed at the altar. Nongtang is a Hajong priest who is considered free from sins and
performs all the religious duties. The idol of the community god is erected in
every para or village and one can
conclude that, Hajongs used to live as a group in the past.
Apart
from tilling the land, women do most of the chores. A Hojong woman, who sows
the seedling fast, harvest the ripe paddy efficiently, collects and carries
firewood from the hill, is the person fit to be a wife in the eyes of the men.
In the rainy month, women catch fish with bamboo traps. It is called jhakamara. Women sing songs of jhakamara while catching the fish.
Property rights belong solely to the son and if there is no male heir, the
right goes to a daughter and her female children until one of them dies without
a female heir when it reverts back to the males again.
The
groom’s family pays dowry to the bride’s family. Parents find suitable a
partner for their child and arrange for the ceremony. If a child marries
without the consent of the parents, it is known as daepora biye. To be accepted by the society, the couple then have
to arrange for a special ceremony for the community. When a woman fears that
she is about to be cheated, she walks to the house of her lover and this is
known as dangohama.
MUNDA
Turi
ORAON
Oraon
people are possibly the only Dravidian ethnic group still living in Rajshahi,
Dinajpur, Rangpur, Bagura and Serajgonj districts in the northern areas of
Bangladesh. Though Kuruk is their language, it doesn’t have a script. Oraons,
with the Shantals, are the two major indigenous groups in Bangladesh who live
in the plains. It is believed that these two groups were the first to populate
India. The Kuruk is a dying language and only the oldest of their people still
speak this. For the rest (as with many other groups) the language they speak is
Sadri, a modified version combining Kuruk, Bangla and Hindi.
Karam is the major
festival after the monsoon months of August and September. A karam branch is cut and set on the
ground. This branch is then worshipped through songs and dances in the belief
that the karam tree is a protector.
The legend says that when the Aryans drove them out of their former lands it
was the karam tree that gave them
shelter and refuge. Men and women, both married and unmarried, sing songs of Korom
and Dhoram, of the two brothers and pray for good life and prosperity and the
women often ask for a child – male or a female according to one’s wish – in the
belief that the wish will be fulfilled.
Fagua is celebrated
on the last day of Falgun (Feb-Mar).
Branches from different trees are set on the ground with hay spread on top and
a fire is lit at night symbolising the death of mother earth.
Sarhul is celebrated
in Bengali month of Chaitra
(Mar-April) and is the spring festival expecting rain. Water filled pitchers
are stored in the house of the village chief and when the girls arrive dancing,
the water is poured on them in the belief that this act will bring rain. In
case of severe drought the village chief and his wife are seated side by side
and vermilion is put on their forehead – a symbolic marriage between the earth
and the sky. When water is poured on their head, the villagers cry out – barso, barso – meaning rain.
Photo:
Mahmud/Map
MUNDA
ORAON
RAKHAIN
The
word Rakhain originated from a Pali word rakkha
meaning protection. From 3325 BC to 1784 AD the Rakhain people were a principle
group of Arakan in present day Myanmar. At that time Arakan was known as Rakhain pre meaning a Rakhain State. In
the 9th century, the Rakhain king Chula Chandra Taing expanded his kingdom up
to Cox’s Bazar and Chittagong which allowed his people to move towards the new
areas. It is during the invasion of the Burmese king Bod Paya that a major
exodus of the Rakhain people towards Cox’s Bazar and the forests of Barguna and
Patuakhali.took place. Some sources claim that about 200,000 Rakhain people are
living in Bangladesh now. Though the Rakhain are known to be a Mongoloid race,
some also marked them as a mixture between Aryans and Mongols. They are
followers of the Buddha. They have their own language and alphabet in the same
stream of the Mongoloid language.
The
Buddha worship dance takes place before starting any auspicious works. After
offering flowers, candles and lamps Rakhain artists perform this dance with
candles and lamps in hand. It also shows respect to the parents and elders.
Weaving dance is based on songs describing the weaving technique, the colour
pattern, design, and quality of the thread and the skill of a weaver. In the
early days, the skilled women weavers used to earn more respect and honour for
their skills. Clothes woven by Rakhain women were part of the royal clothing
including the coronation ceremony and there was a custom of honouring
distinguished weavers at royal functions. The cradle dance is based on
lullabies for putting children to sleep. It describes the Rakhain history and
its past glory, landscape of the Rakhain countries in the past and different
occupations. It also covers one’s obligations towards parents, neighbours and
the society at large.
Che
Owen Ma is the oldest woman in Haripara village. Only 12 families are living
here. “About 3000 Rakahain people are
scattered about in Kalapara Thana. If you ask me about the old days, it was
only jungle all around. We were the first people to settle here living on uria paddy, fruits and roots. Uria paddy grows on the islands on its
own in these areas and the grains are tiny. Once the embankment was
constructed, we started to dig holes and put paddy seeds in; seedlings would
grow easily. From then, the scarcity of food was reduced. A few years back we
had 18 buffaloes. One night they were all killed by lightning and we have
become poor.”
Like
other women in this village, Lau Ching is an NGO member. She saves money in one
and works on social awareness issues. “In our community, no one is married at
an early age. We are also fewer in numbers. The majority of our people are
settled in Cox’s Bazar. The distance from here is long and social relationship
and marriage with them does not really take place. We love tamarind a lot and
put it in vegetable or fish curry – whichever we cook; it tastes good.”
SANTAL
Outside
the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the Shantals in the northern districts are the
biggest community with 202,744 people (1991 census). They speak Santali and use
both Roman and Bangla script for writing. The Bangalees call them Shaotal, while among themselves, they
are known as Shantal or hor (human).
Anthropologists classified the Shantals under the Proto-Astroloid family and
language belonging to the Mundari origin.
Of
the total Shantali population in Bangladesh, a big number has converted to
Chriatianity. In a traditional village, a seven-member Manjhi committee runs
the community. The main members are:
Festivals:
Shorhai
is the biggest festival and celebrated after the paddy harvest of the month of
Poush. Godet (messenger of the village committee) collects a chicken and a pot
of rice from each house. Naike (priest) offers puja to Jaher Era (female god),
house god (Arak Bonga) and (Abge bonga) sub-clan gods.
Baha is the spring
festival (second most important) and the creator is thanked that a year is
passes peacefully. Without the puja offred, women don’t put flowers in the hair
even though this the time when flowers are in bloom around the villages. Two
puja places are constructed for the female god, house gods and the clan/sub-clan
gods. Three male youths go into a trance in the name of three bongas – Jaher
Era, Moreko and Marang Buru) and singing and dancing begins. Chicken and rice
is collected from each house the next day and puja offred to the gods. Food is
prepared with the rice and chicken collected and women are not entitled to
taste it. People return home from the puja place and offer puja to the house
gods. They return in the afternoon and bring the priest to the village. He is
welcomed in each house by washing his feet. He in return, gifts flower to the
women washing his feet. Only then, women are allowed to wear flowers. Singing
and dancing continues and huge amount of handi
is consumed.
Shakrat
is all about hunting, the glory and necessity of the past generations. For a
Shantal, ‘everything is edible’ and the urge to hunt runs in the blood and it
is the job of the male members. It is done I the winter months and after the
team returns with hunted animals like wild cat, fox and civet, a puja is
offered to the ancestors lond gone.
Aerok
……This is done in the month of Ashar (the peak monsoon) while it is time to sow
paddy seedlings. The rituals are the same as done during the Shohrai.
The Dasai
festival is related to King Ramchandra who killed Raban with blessings from goddess
Srichandi (Durga Devi of the Hindus). Salvation is sought from the goddess
against war, disease and epidemic during Durga Puja. Shantals believe that they
are the lost subjects of King Ram and when 70 layers of graves have been dug
one on top of the other, Ram will come back to them.
During
the Sarjom festival, a marriage is
arranged between the sal tree and Bonbibi (the Forest Goddess). A tree is decorated with sari and vermilion;
women put sal flowers on their head
and dance all night long drinking home-made wine. ???
Moushumi
Murmu is a resident of Bilashi village of Kakonhat of Rajshahi. She said, “The
grandfather of my grandparents mentioned that their ancestors moved here from
Dumka, a hilly place in India. The kings brought them here for cultivation.
When people realised that the soil is fertile and the yield is good, more
people moved in. I am married for two years now. Since I have eloped with
Nirmal Mardy, my father refuses to see my face. My mother comes and stays with
me for a few days. Every person in my community works as an agricultural
labourer. The men get 10 Takas extra in their daily wage because they start
work one hour earlier than the women. We can only come to work after cleaning
the house, feeding the domestic animals, cooking and feeding the children. In
my opinion, the men can have a little more money since they work more than us
in the fields.”
Lakkhi
Shoren lives in Sennagar village in Noagaon. She was grazing her cow, 7 geese,
2 goats and 2 sheep on the river bank. “Few of us came here in the morning.
When we return for lunch, the animals will follow us. After lunch we will come
back here and stay till dusk. There are a lot of prowling foxes here and we
have to remain vigilant at all times. People in this locality have started to
raise geese from my father’s time. The Muslims in my village are the rich
families and each family has many geese. We do not have any crop land; there
wasn’t any for my father-in-law either. During the 1971 war, all the Shantals
fled to India. When they came back home after independence, they found that
most of their land had been encroached by the Muslims. We now work as day
labourers on land that belonged to our ancestors.”
Photo:
Mahmud/Map
MONIPURI
The
Monipuri community is concentrated in Sylhet, Maulavibazar, Sunamgonj and
Habiganj divisions of Bangladesh. The state of Monipur in India suggests that
the Monipuris in Bangladesh are descended from there. It is believed that they
came to this country between 1819 and 1826 as a result of internal conflicts and
annexation by the British Raj. The community is divided into three groups:
Kalachhari or Bishnupria, Metei and Pangan (the Muslim Monipuri). In most
cases, the Bishnupria live away from the Metei and Pangan who have been known
to live side by side. The language of the Metei and the Pangan is the same
while Bishnuprias use a separate language. Being of mongoloid stock, their
language belongs to the Sino-Tibetan language family but in the Bishnupria
language, one can find the presence of many Bangla words.
Monipuris worship Lord
Bishnu and identify themselves as sanatani
(traditional) worshippers. At the same time, they worship the gods and
goddesses from the distant past through ancient rituals. They are known for
their rich cultural heritage of which the Monipuri dance is internationally
known. Ancient religious beliefs are depicted through the dance and songs. As
the myth goes, Ashiba Guru created the earth by order from Atiya Guru Sidbar in
heaven. Ashiba Guru, while at work, was obstructed by an evil god named Haraba
Loithinggya and so, the lord of heaven created a beautiful goddess named
Nongtha Loima to tame the evil god with her dancing so the creation could be
completed.
Raash is the biggest
festival among the Monipuris and praises Lord Krishna. Unmarried women dance
around the little Krishna and Radha in the temple courtyard filled with paper
decorations from midnight till the first light of dawn. The selection of Radha
and Krishna from among the children in each village takes place early and
rehearsals for the dance continues for more than a week.
Radhe
Sina of Bodoler Gao, (a Bishnupria village) told, “In a Monipuri marriage,
there is not much expenditure. The groom’s father visits the bride’s home three
times and will be treated with little snacks. This shows the value of a girl –
that she is able, healthy and hard working. Parents don’t get their daughters
married before 20 years of age. Men don’t take more than one wife in our
society. If one woman would go to the groom’s home when another woman is
already there, no one will be happy. Why should one bring unhappiness to a
family? During a marriage proposal, we see whether the boy can look after the
girl, is there is a hand pump and sanitary latrine in the house. I got my
daughter married to a boy in Gauhati. During a marriage, we contact the BDR and
BSF in the border areas and they let us pass without papers and they are soft
during marriages, medical care and death rituals. The border is not far from
our village.”
Tunu
Babu of Kuna Gaon (a Metei village) was talking about the difference between
the Metei and Bishnupria, “Around 1727, King Pam Haiba forced people to convert
to Hinduism although people
were
observing the Shanamahi religion of
their forefathers. At that time their country was called Metei Leipak (land of the Metei). At the end of the eighteen
century, this name was changed to Monipur and since then, the Meteis started to
call themselves Monipuri. Our biggest festival is Laharaiba like it was for our ancient forefathers.”
Photo
& Text : Mahmud/Map
Ref:
Ethnic Langauges of Bangladesh and Problems of their Existence - Prof. Rafiqul
& Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar Saha in
EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005
KOCH
An
estimated 17,000 people live in Nalitabari, Sribardi and Modhupur Thanas of
greater Mymensingh. According to folklore:
There lived a sati jogini (virgin
woman who spent all her life praying to the gods) named Rebati who worshipped
Lord Shiv on the hill top. Shiv was pleased with her and married her. They had
a son who became known in history as Biswa Singha. “We are descendants of King
Bishwa Singha.” Some researchers think that, from the sangkoch (in troubled mind, indecisive) of the Khotreeo people, the word Koch has derived. Another folk tale
suggests that they were given that name since they hid in a forest named Koch
after being defeated by King Parshuram. Among the Koch, the following clans
exist: Hargia, Wanang, Shatpari, Tintikia, Dashgia, Khunparia and Mashanta.
According to the historians, a Koch king named Danujmardan ruled Bengal in the
15th century after whose name, Dinajpur district was named. In the 16th
century, Koch king Biswa Singha moved his capital from Chikon village to
another area which later became known as Kooch Bihar. It is believed that the
Burman and the Koch are the same people. Since the Burmans migrated from Kooch
Bihar, they were known as Koch.
Koch
people believe that the land is a blessing from Mother Nature. They don’t
believe in ownership of land; “it is to be tilled for survival; it is not for
buying and selling. In the old days, our ancestors would refrain from
cultivation in the same land on the 3rd year.” Tha was their ancestral language but this is almost lost now. Nabanna is the main festival and takes
place after the late monsoon harvest. Before consuming the new rice, a preparation
made out of rice, rice powder, lentil and vegetables is given in sacrifice in
memory of their ancestors.
Photo:
Mahmud/Map
In the
textbooks, they have been mentioned as tribal people for years and in the
recent years, the word indigenous is also being used. Although the Bengali
speaking population (one ethnic and lingistic group) are the majority of the
Bangladeshi population, the indigenous communities, both in the plains and in
the hills, amounts to roughly 1.2 percent of the total population and are some
of the most politically marginalized and socio-economically disadvantaged peoples
in the country. Denial to land rights can be identified as the major factor,
which affected their livelihood, as well as identity dated back from the
British period. The worst happened to them during the independence of the
nation when most of their land were grabbed by the Bangalees in the plains
while in the hills, the one-eyed government policy, helped the same oppressors
to possess more lands belonged to the indigenous communties for many
generations.
KHASI
All the
Khasi people live in and around the teas estates and fringe villages of Kulaura
and Srimangal close to Indian state of Tripura. Khasi people are renowned for
their betel leaf plantations and are shy and peaceful. Dowry is not practised
in this community. A daughter gets the lion’s share of her parents’ property.
When a daughter is married and goes to her husband’s home, the plantation is
looked after by her brothers.
Kakinji
Punji was established by Brand Khasia 45 years back in Maulavibazar. “I have
arranged for the record with the forest department. For the right of betel leaf
plantation in the reserve forest for 60 families, we plant timber saplings,
weeding and looking after the forest. We also grow betel nut, orange, lemon and
banana. The oranges should be picked green or else the gandhi insects ruin them. We call ourselves khasi.”
Photo & text: Mahmud/Map
BANAI
MAHALI
MAHALI
MAHATO
During
the Karam festival, Mahato women
become vegetarians for a week and offer pujas
to the ancient god for the peace of the family life, good health and for a
child. In every house home made pies and wine is consumed in abundance. The
relatives come with their families. Men and women dance holding each other’s
waist around the karam branch dug in
the courtyard of the house. They sing the legends of the two brothers – Korom and Dhrom. Through
the songs they depict how the karam
branch gave shelter to Dhorom. This is the same tree that is considered to be
saviour and god to the Mahatos.
Photo
& text:Mahmud/Map
PAHAN
I was
talking to two indigenous women named Maloti Pahan and Shanti Pahan. The Indian
barbed wire fence is only a kilometre away from this village. They had
croplands before but don’t have any now. “We have a few shal trees within the boundary of our house though we have no right
to cut them down. If we do that, the forester will file a case against us.
Paying some bribes ensures some logs from the forest.”
DALU
About
1000 Dalu people live in Bangladesh in 19 villages (they live together with
other communities) spread all over Nalitabari thana of Sherpur district.
Meghnad Dalu is one of the few educated persons in this community. He said,
“Our language is lost. Being with the Bangalees for 1200 years, we speak the
Bangla dialect spoken by the people of Sherpur. In Tura of Meghalaya of India,
there is a big Dalu community.”
Dalus
work as agricultural labourers in a group. They work on a contract basis: for
planting one acre of paddy seedlings the charge is 1500 Takas; for weeding, 500
Takas; for harvesting and transporting back to the owner’s house, 1200 Takas.
“This way, a person can only ensure a daily earning of 60-70 Takas. However,
since both husband and wife and other adult family members work together, life
somehow goes on.”
Two
grandmothers, Bulbuli Dalu and Nimbali Dalu were enjoying the winter morning
sun having their betel leaf and betel nut . Joynad Dalu was also close by
talking about the past. “In the old days, a match-maker would kill all the
grasses between the two houses walking many times. The father of a girl would
like to know the dowry items promised and the way it was to be given; the value
of a girl used to be honoured. Not any more.”
“I was
16 years old during the British rule. I joined the communist league and
Shorbesh Dalu was my leader. When the police would raid the village, we ran
away to the forest. Our slogan was: Let the Rajas and the Zamaindars be
uprooted, let the Tevaga rule. We only had sticks to defend ourselves with. We
have been looted 3 times, once in 1947, once in 1964 and lastly during the shonggram (liberation of 1971); 3 riots
made us poor. The Muslims took our gold and silver, cattle and food grains and
drove many away from their lands. They threatened us, “Leave! Go to Assam. This
is not your place. The place for Hindus is Hindustan.”
“In the
Pakistan period, if one would borrow 1 rupee, he had to pay it back with 15
kilograms of paddy. Over the years, the interest would grow and the moneylender
would say, “Pay off the debt with your property. There are similarities between
Dalu, Koch and Hodi languages; we understand each other as we speak the local
Bangla dialect with a few indigenous words.”
Photo
& Text: Mahmud/Map
RAJBANGSHI
Different
anthropologists, researchers and social scientists agree that Rajbangshi people
are a mixture between the Koch and the Palias. The Koch people first settled in
Assam and Kooch Bihar in India.
Different journals and censuses in Assam suggest that, during the second
part of the 16th century, the people of King Hajo changed their Koch title to
Rajbangshi. This was a matrilineal society and even 50 years back, the custom
of paying dowry to the bride was practised. At present, a token money is only
given to the girl’s father.
In gagoch system in the past, a male suitor
was allowed to stay with the daughter and after sometime, if the parents would
feel that the boy was the right one, the marriage ceremony would be arranged
between the two. In the past in a widow marriage or a ghor shodhani biye, a widow would enter the house of the man she
liked, perform all the household chores and share his bed. If they could
continue for few days, they would be socially accepted as husband and wife.
In the northern district, it is believed that
medicine administered by a woman does not cure a patient. In a social custom, a
woman can’t talk to the older brother-in-law and she is forbidden to utter his
name in public or in secret. If there is a physical contact with him, as part
of atonement, he has to fast and eat his dinner by counting stars. If a woman
gives birth to a dead child or the child dies within a few days, it is believed
that if the next born child is married immediately, he/she will not die also.
This is known as gao chuwa biye and in
the north one can find child couples between the ages of 2-3 months or 2-3
years.
Hudum deo is the god of rain. In the dry months of Chaitra – Baishakh, on an appointed
night, women erect banana trunk on untilled land and dance naked expecting
rain. It is believed that this god is afraid of nakedness and sends rain
without delay. For men and male children, it is forbidden to watch this
ceremony. If someone violates this rule, he might go blind or there will be no
rain on earth.
On the
day of marriage, a barber is called to clip the nails of the bride and the
groom. A puja is offered to the water
goddess known as gangaboron. The
bride and the groom are given a bath in their respective houses with the gangaboron water and yellow clothes are
put on them. After a while, new clothes are put on the groom and the barber
place a dorpon (round object with
brass handle and the sign of a shield) in one hand and the topmost frond of a
banana plant (sign of a an arrow) in the other hand.
The
Rajbangshis believe that the groom finds a wife after a fight. Threads are tied
on the right wrist of the groom to ward of evil spirits and ghosts.
When he is about to start for the bride’s
house and asks for his parent’s blessings, his mother asks, “Where are you
going, my son?”
He replies, “I am off to find you a maid
servant, mother.”
Photo:
Mahmud/Map
Text:
Ashok Biswas
Location
|
Indigenous
Communities
|
Bandarban,
Rangamati, Khagrachari
|
Chakma,
Taunchangya, Marma, Tripura, Mro, Khyang, Chak, Bawm, Pankhua, Lushei, Khumi,
Riang
|
Cox’s
Bazar, Patualkhali
|
Rakahain
|
Sylhet,
Srimalgal, Kulaura, Maulavibazar
|
Khasia,
Monipuri, Patro
|
Tangail,
Haluaghat, Sherpur
|
Garo,
Hajong, Dolui, Barman, Banai
|
Rajshahi,
Noagaon, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Joypurhat, Serajganj, Khulna
|
Shantal,
Oraon, Pahan, Munda, Rajbangshi, Mahato, Malo, Mahali, Turi, Kormokar, Rishi,
Shing
|
