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Friday, December 23, 2011

Indigenous people of Bangladesh/mapfotoagency.com



Indigenous versus ethnic

I ponder over how to determine the identity of an indigenous community; having its own language and then, distict social customs, daily rituals, celebrations and attire. Once I took jounnerys into the life of the plain land indigenous communities in Rajshahi and Dinajpur districts, the same language (sadri) is common for all communities except for the Shantals. Karam, the main festival is celebrated by all – Oraon, Munda, Pahan, Mahato, Malo, Shing and others. Then, should I mention them as different indigenous groups?

With the introduction of the Missionaries, another class is now identifies among the indigenous people – the Kiristans (more educated, enlightened and favoured by the church) – enjoys a more respected position in social ladder.
On the other hand, the gipsies (all five groups) speak a unique language though all look like any Bengali. The language of the Bawm, Pankho and Lushei has a lot of similarilties and all are converted into Chriastianity. The attiare, dance and music are performed only during a cultural evening. The Mro language is probably the newest one in the world was ‘found’ by Men Ley, the spiritual leader who started the new religion too (kramma). The same language and the script are followed by the Khumis too.   

KHUMI

Originating from Arakan of Burma they fled from Burma in 1403 when war broke out between tribes and came to settle in Roangchari, Ruma and Thanchi of Bandarban district. The Mros were forced to migrate to CHT after their defeat in a battle with the Khumis from Umatang Hill. The Khumis in turn were forced to immigrate in this area by the Bawm (Lewin, 1869). Both groups immigrated during the second half of 18th century. Later in 1838, a Bawm leader (Liankung) killed and captivated a large number of Khumis by attacking one of their villages in Arakan. In reprisal, a British East India Company stationed in Arakan was sent to capture him. To avoid the encounter, the leader moved deep into the hills of Arakan. During 1838 – 1839 he moved to CHT and settled in Bandarban with the permission of the Bohmang chief (Sugata 1995b).

In Khumi language, khu means hill and mi people; meaning people of the high hills. According to the 1991 census, the population was 1241; now it is estimated to be more than 2000. Khumi people are mostly nature worshippers.The social rules of the Khumis are very strict. Village chief settles disputes between individuals and families. This post is hereditary. When a chief dies, his oldest son is elected for that post in a meeting called by the village elders.

One has to pay 60 Taka for stealing (it used to be 60 silver coins in the past). For pregnancy resulting from illicit pregnancy, both parties have to pay a fine of 60 Taka and a pig for the community.
There are many similarities between the Khumis and Mros in their social customs and way of living and marriage between them also takes place.

A marriage takes place with consent of parents from both girls' and boys' side. To confirm a marriage, boys' father goes to girls' village accompanied by few elders. They carry a rooster, a bottle wine and a spear with them.  According to the rules, the boys' party spends the first night in somebody else's house and then go to the girls' house with a matchmaker in the morning. After the gifts are handed over, they talk about different aspects of marriage. Decision is not taken that night but the next day after consulting all family members.

Brides' father receives a spear from grooms' side once the girl is betrothed.  The spear is returned if the marriage is cancelled. As a dowry, girls' father receives a hundred and twenty silver coins and half a dozen spears. Brides' father also gives a basket, a female pig and a chicken to the new couple to start a new family.
When a father visits his daughter, he carries pork and when a son-in-law visits his wife’s parents, he carres chicken for them as gifts.

A child gets its' first hair cut at the age of one or two. A pig or a cow is slaughtered and villagers and relatives are invited to participate in the feast. Khumis believe that by the second year, hair that has grown from the womb should be cut; or else they fear that it might harbour impurity and cause trouble for family and their health.

Twice a year the Khumis perform pujas.  The first one takes place during June-July before the sowing of seeds to appease the god of the jhum. They sacrifice a pig and a chicken besides a stream from which they collect water and wash. This is known as wangeeya. During this two- day-ceremony, the village is kept sealed from outsiders and the villagers remain in the village. All entrances to the village are closed with bamboo fences. If somebody violates the rule, the programme is abandoned and the accused has to pay for the puja to start afresh.

When someone dies in the village, a pig, a dog and a chicken are killed. The dead body is kept inside the house for four to five days and they continue to play music during the days. Everyone in the village stops working and gather at the house of the deceased. During the mourning period, a basket (kokia) is hung from a pole placed at the centre of the house.  A handful of food is put inside the kokia during each meal for a year, as they believe that the soul comes back to the house and stays for year. At the end of a year, the food deposited is thrown away and a feast is arranged known as the last feast with the dead. A cow or a pig is slaughtered and food is prepared with produces from the jhum. Villagers and clan members are invited and the family members of maternal uncles are specially honoured.

Traditional war dance takes place during festivals when two sides take part with the leader holding a chopper and shield.Young males play flute and young females hold each other by the waists while dancing and utter war cries to inspire their leaders. A leader wears a red turban with feathers of birds. Some wear skins of wild animals. A gong is accompanied by flutes during this dance. This dance used to be performed in the old days after a fight between two clans or enemies, when a leader would return home victorious carrying fallen heads of their opponents.










































MRO/MRU/MROCHA/MURONG





















Men Ley, the founder of Kramma religion, as depicted in his village home........


Water is scarce during the hot months and water borne disease along malaria are the two biggest killers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.



Tripura (Shonaton and Ushoi)


A group of Tripuras living in the Mainyanithlang area of Lushei Hills immigrated to the Karnaphuli Valley of the Chittagong Hill Tracts during 1463 – 1467 because of a heavy tax imposed upon them by their overlord (Saigal 1978). It is said that the followers of King Tripur was known as Tripura. There are thirty-six clans of the Tripura community. The tribe that inhabits Khagrachari are traditional Hindus while most of the Tripuras living in Bandarban are Christians and are known as Usoi. Tripura community is the 3rd largest hill indigenous group in the CHT. Besides CHT, they are scattered in Sylhet, Srimangal, Sitakunda, Mirsharai, Fatikchari and Comilla. According to 1991 census, their population was 61,129.



Marriage is conducted by the achai in the presence of village elders. After the ceremony that takes place in her house, the bride goes to her husband’s house. Relatives bless them by placing cotton and rice on their heads. The new couple also receive gifts at that time. After the marriage, a groom stays with his in-laws for five years as part of the social custom. During the end of their stay, the bride’s parents pay some dowry in the form of land.



A village chief is called roaza and settles disputes in his community.  A minor offence carries a fine of 5 Takas and a bottle of wine and is administered by the village court which consists of at least three adults. If a man elopes with a girl, he has to pay a fine in cash which is spent to feed the villagers. For an illicit affair which has witnesses, the accused couple have to kill a pig and feed the judges and neighbours. Sixty percent of the price of the pig is charged to the male and forty per cent to the woman. As punishment, an old broom, broken head of an earthen pitcher and pig intestine is placed around the neck of the man who wears a loincloth only while the woman has to wear an old, torn skirt. The heads of both the accused are shaved and they have to walk through the village confessing their guilt and seeking forgiveness. If they refuse to confess, they are beaten with a cane.



If a woman refuses to be with her husband, her parents take their daughter back, even if she's has children. A son inherits his father’s property and the daughter can only inherit property if the father gives it to her during his lifetime.



A purifying ceremony is mandatory after the birth of a child. If this is not done, the child will face criticism and will not be respected. Kuchai fruit or raw turmeric and insides of ghila fruit’s is pounded and mixed with water inside a bamboo and sprinkled on the mother with mango leaves. Then she is taken for a bath in the stream where a chicken is sacrificed. A puja is offered with an egg at a junction where 4 roads meet believing that the mother will be free from the eyes of the evil spirits. Neighbours are invited to this ritual. Banana leaves are placed on a winnower along with a pot filled with water and mango leaves and vermilion. Three or five oil lamps are placed with white wigs smeared with mustard oil. The child is placed on the lap of the midwife who is presented with 5 Takas, a bottle of wine and a new cloth by the mother who says, "I have paid for your labour, please accept it.” The midwife gives the child to the mother and says, "Have you received your child?" The mother says yes and then together with the achai, three to five people select a name for the child and light one lamp each. The name chosen by the one whose lamp burns the brightest will be accepted.
Text & Photo: Mahmud/Map/Actionaid
 Ref: Counting The Hills: Assessing Development in CHT : M. Rafi & A. Mushtaque R. Chowdhury

















Marma

  It is presumed that the ancestors of the Marma people were living in Pegu in what is now Myanmar prior to an attack by the Rakhain King Mongrajagri in 1559. After the fall of the town and the death of the Marma king Nainda Borang, his people moved to Dangawadi Arakan and, around 1614, settled in the Arakani portion of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The people (around 33,000 in numbers) who had moved with Prince Mongchoppai, are considered to be the predecessors of the present Marma community in Bangladesh who are the second largest indigenous population (1,42,334 by 1991 census) in the CHT. Apart from Lord Buddha, they worship Khongshangma Devi who they believe controls the waters and Roashangma Devi is considered to be the protector of the village.

The newyear festival is known as sangrain and continues for three days. Rilongboe, the water festival is the most attractive of all the social events of sangrain. This is an opportunity for young men and women to get to know each other, enhance their social bond, renew their love or fall in love. A boat is filled with water and groups of young men and women throw water at each other. Unmarried young females stay close to the boat within an enclosure while the young men wait outside. Buckets or mugs filled with water are kept close at hand. The girls wait for the men with their backs to them. When the men start throwing water at a girl of their choice, the girls also throw water back with equal enthusiasm. The water fight continues between different groups of people.
      
            On the wedding day, the groom starts for the bride’s house with his parents, friends and a couple who have never fought so much that they had to live separately. The total number of the people in the entourage has to be an odd figure. A made chora (a man whose wife is still alive, who hasn’t divorced his wife and is leading a happy life) conducts the main parts of the ceremony. Rice or puffed rice kept in a pot is given to him to sprinkle on couple’s heads as a form of blessing. Guests also take part in these ceremonies. The couple sits with their heads down till the blessings are complete. Made chora takes out a chopper with knotted threads and give one thread each to the person blessing the couple. This person, in turn, puts the thread around the wrist of the groom and his bride. The lakchong cha-cho or eating together takes place after that. The made chora cuts a boiled chicken into small pieces and mixes it with aromatic spices on a plate. Fish, ginger, rice and potato from the jhum are added to it. First the groom feeds the bride and then the bride feeds the groom. The custom is that they will eat some of the food and leave the rest. Eating from one plate is a sign of staying together and leaving some food on the plate is a symbol of saving for the future while feeding each other symbolizes caring for and sharing with each other. The thread tied to their wrist is to be kept on throughout the night. In olden days, a chopper would be placed between the two on the bed for three to seven nights and the couple would not touch each other during that time. The leftover food is kept in a white cloth. The next morning the bride and the groom, each carrying a pitcher, go to the nearby river or stream. The made chora carries the leftover food and makes up the entourage. Half the food is thrown on the bank of the river for the animals and the other half is thrown in the river for the fish and other aquatic animals. Flowing water from the river is used to fill the pitchers which are then exchanged between the couple before they return to the house. In some families, the quantity of the water in each pitcher is measured to predict who is the luckier of the two.

Text: Kay Shay Prue; Photo: Mahmud/Map/Actionaid
Ref: Counting The Hills: Assessing Development in CHT, Edited by: M. Rafi & A. Mushtaque R. Chowdhury



Monitor lizard is a delicacy. This reptile although is not hunted by the indigenous people to keep a steady supply during the bi-weekly market, rather supplied by the Bangalees. The same goes for the frogs.









































BAWM, PANKHO, LUSHEI

The Chinese tribes - Bawm, Pankho, Lushei, Khumi and Mro – started inhabiting the hilltops of southern Asia many centuries ago and gradually became isolated from the others because of the difficult access to their villages. Known for their hunting prowess, these may be the very tribes mentioned as Kuki or Bonjugis by the early researchers.The origin of the word, ‘Bawm’ may have come from its meaning - to unite, merge, to become one or share. According to a common Bawm legend, they originated from a cave called Chinlung believed to be located in China. The language of this group is related to that of the Mongoloid people. The Bawms are divided into two principal clans – the Sun thla and the Pang hawi. These clans are further divided into 56 sub-groupings each. It is said that the wealthy and powerful founded each clan. Their folk tale describes Chinlung caves in China as the ancestral land of the Bawm, Pankho and the Lusheis. Living in about 70 villages in Ruma, Bandarban Sadar, Roangchari, Thanchi and Bilaichari, about 9,000 Bawms are now living in Bangladesh.

Nothing is known about the Bawm script. In 1894, the Roman script was introduced to Aijal in Tripura by two missionaries - Lorrain and Savidge. Until 1956 the Bawms used Christian hymns and the Bible printed in Lushei/Mizo language. In 1956 and 1957 their hymn-books and Bibles were printed in the Roman script which has now become their own.

When a proposal for marriage is given to a girl’s father, an advance of 500 Takas is made as a token of betrothal by the boy’s parents. This is known as cai sea (to give word). If a betrothed girl is subsequently given to someone else or if she elopes with someone, her parents have to pay a fine of 3000 Takas to the boy’s father. It is customary for the groom’s family to pay 3000 Takas to the bride’s parents during the marriage ceremony.

The Bawms are a monogamous people; divorce is rare and a widow can marry again. Polygamy is strictly prohibited in this community. Marriage within a clan is not allowed. A man can marry his maternal uncle’s daughter but not his maternal aunt’s daughter and a girl cannot marry her maternal aunt’s son. Early marriage is not practiced in these communities. In the traditional system of marriage the boy’s family sends two male representatives to the girl’s parents three times. The series of visits, if followed, would be interpreted as a confirmation of marriage engagement. Custom demands that the new bride remain at her husband’s home for six days before she returns to her parent’s home for a visit on the seventh day for a visit – she is accompanied by her husband and others.
A man can divorce his wife for valid reasons in consultation with the village elders or relatives but he will not be entitled to get back the bride price. If a wife wants to leave her husband, her parents may be asked to return the bride price. If a husband commits adultery, his wife may divorce him and he will not get back the bride price. 
 
Text: Zir Kung Shahu & Mahmud
Photo: Mahmud/Map/Actionaid
Ref: Counting The Hills: Assessing Development in CHT, Edited by: M. Rafi & A. Mushtaque R. Chowdhury











KHYANG

Khyangs strongly believe in two theories about their migration to CHT from Myanmar (Phayre 1841).  Firstly, that they are direct descendents of Burmese refugees or an army contingent who got lost in the mountains while attempting to move westward. Secondly, that one of their kings during a battle with the king of Burma fled from that country to CHT. While returning home he left behind his youngest queen in CHT as she was pregnant. The Khyangs are the descendents of the queen (Phayre, 1883). The Khyangs possibly migrated to CHT at the same time as the Marmas. A popular folk tale depicting their origin in Bangladesh goes like this: Two sisters lived in the hills. One day they decided to migrate to Burma and were fishing for shrimps before leaving. The older sister was fishing in a river and, the younger one, in a stream. Both were cooking in separate places. While cooking, the older sister thought the shrimps were red and well cooked and ate in a hurry. The younger one was cooking for a long time and was not happy, as the shrimps were not getting red. Meanwhile the older sister was ready with her group to cross the sea. In those days, a genie was in charge of ferrying people across the sea. Seeing the older sister and her people, he made a bridge by joining seven pieces of leather hide for them to cross. The younger sister arrived late. Seeing her, the genie ripped off the bridge and she couldn’t cross.   Khyang people call the genie, moyunai meaning ‘no Intention to take’. From that time on, her people are known as Khyang. Most of the Khyangs are settled in Bandarban and some in Rangamati. According to Bandarban District Statistics Bureau, their population was 2,105 in 1997 while the national census in 1991 showed a population of 1,950.  The people who live in the plains are called Laitu Hiu and those who live on higher ground are called Kongtu Hiu.            
    
Marriage with members of other hill communities is acceptable. When a boy likes a girl, he visits her at night to expresses his feeling towards her. If the girl doesn’t like the boy, she will politely ask him to leave. If they like each other, they will continue to meet without the knowledge of the adults. Once the affair takes shape, both ask for their parent’s consent. The representatives from boy’s side visit the girl’s parents with two pots of sweetmeat, two bottles of wine and gold or silver ornaments as the sign and consent for the engagement. Village elders will be present to decide on the marriage preparations. Dowry is not practiced among the Khyangs.
 
On the marriage day, the groom pays thirty-one silver coins to thirty-one members from the bride’s side including the parents of the bride and the elders. Each coin is considered as the witness fee for the marriage. At the end of the ceremony, the parents of the bride tell the groom, “Our daughter is healthy and pure. Her hands, feet, face, nose, eyes and ears are not defective, everything is perfect and we give our daughter away to you. If ever she comes back to us with sickness, all these thirty-one people are witness to those sufferings.” At the end of the ceremony, the bride’s parents place a chopper in the groom’s hand and a sickle in the girl’s hand – a symbol of an honest life. From this day on, the bride and groom will share the same bed but they are not allowed to have sexual intercourse until 3 days have elapsed. The bride goes to her husband’s home the next day and another feast follows. If the engaged girl breaks her promise or she gets married to somebody else, her parents will have to pay a fine to the boy’s father, usually double the amount that one spends in the first place. The period of betrothal is one year during which a girl will stay at her parent’s and will accept clothes from the boy.  
Text & Photo: Mahmud/Map







CHAKMA & TAUNCHAGYA

A folk tale suggests that the Chakmas migrated from Champaknagar. However, the historians are not in consensus on the exact location of Champaknagar (Mohsin 1997). Mughal records indicate that Alikadam (presently a Thana in Bandarban) was the capital of a Chakma Raja as early as 1711 AD (Serazuddin 1971). It is believed that the Chakmas in this region initially displaced the Kukis in the south but finally settled in the central and north-eastern region (Haque 1998). Although the presence of Chakmas in CHT has been established beyond controversy their origin still remains a mystery.

Bir Kumar Taunchangya mentioned them (the Chakmas) as the offsprings of luck (bhagya) in ‘Taunchangya Parichiti’. They travelled from north to south and again from south to north after leaving behind their ancestral Mongoloid abode. Historically, they are known as Chakma, Taunchangya Chakma, Sak and Doignak and they are the fourth largest group in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Chakma and Taunchangya are considered to be separate ethnic groups with the same language and the same culture - both social and religious. Jogesh Chandra Taunchangya mentioned in his ‘Taunchangya Tribe’ booklet, “Only Chakmas used to call the Taunchangyas as Tointongya and were called Anokya in return.” Some researchers have mentioned Taunchangyas as a sub-group of the Chakmas. The history of Chakma and Taunchangya are the same. They believe they originated from Champaknagar though the trace of that place has not been confirmed as yet. There was a dispute and one part settled in Auxa (present day Arakan) and the other in Agartala and around Chittagong (then Chadigaon) to the south.
 

During a marriage, the boy’s parents send a proposal to the parents of the girl they like. If they receive a positive answer, they visit the girl’s house with a bottle of wine. This visit is known as seeing the bride and takes place three times after which the wedding is arranged. Chumulung (formal way of pairing the couple) is arranged in the bride’s house and the groom returns to his home after a week. In olden days, parents would decide on the match for their children but these days, the boys' and the girls' opinion is sought. When a couple decide to marry secretly they elope. This known as dhejana. The girl’s parents are informed on the following day. If her parents are agreeable, the marriage takes place in the presence of the village elders. If not, she is taken back home. If a girl runs away three times, her parents can’t take her back. In that case, the lovebirds are fined for breaking the social norms whether or not their marriage takes place. Widows can remarry and it is known as rani shanga. One can’t marry someone who is connected by blood or a member of the immediate family or within the circle of relatives.
Photo: Mahmud/Map
Research: Buddhajyoti Chakma














Taunchangya


GARO/MANDI
Garos prefer to be called mandi - meaning a human being. Estimated at 100,000 strong, most Garos live in and around the sal forests of Modhupur in Tangail and Mymensingh adjacent to the Garo Hills of Meghalaya state in India. The Mandi language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language family and even more distantly to Chinese. Mandis are known for their matrilineal system. One’s mother’s clan identifies a Mandi, both male and female. Women inherit property and marriage within the same clan does not take place. Mandis are divided into dozens of machongs (clan) with a distinctive name and everyone belongs to the machong that one’s mother belongs to. Men move to their wives’ village after marriage. A man may decide to live permanently with his parents-in-law though most move out after a year or two and form their own families. Nevertheless, it is expected that one daughter along with her husband will remain with the parents and look after them as long as they live. In the past, all movable properties, food grains and the house would be inherited by this daughter as a reward for her service to the elderly couple. Daughters who decide to start a new home also live in the same village that she grew up in, to be close to her sisters and mother, and later on, to her daughter. This sense of belonging gives the Mandi women a degree of security that she may not find in a new place, in her in-law’s home. However, not all men move with their wives as the women often like to have some men (brothers/cousin brothers) of their machong/families with them in case their help is needed. These men bring their wives along also.
Men are responsible for settling disputes and while discussions are in progress, the women sit close by and give their opinions which are taken seriously. In case of serious offences like wife beating, adultery and divorce, the men from both machongs come together to establish the blame after discussing all the facts. Monetary compensation may be collected from members of the guilty machong as they have a collective responsibility for the behaviour of a fellow machong member. Payment of a monetary compensation is a form of acknowledgement by a machong of blame. The machong is also responsible for finding a new spouse for a widow or widower. When a person dies, the dead person’s machong looks for a spouse belonging to the same machong to marry the survivor. It is not always possible to find a suitable replacement for the deceased and a widow can choose not to remarry.
The combination of increasing education, poverty at home and attraction for urban jobs has driven Mandis to the cities, especially Dhaka and the surrounding areas. While most men find jobs as guard, cook, electrician or attendant, the women are more likely to get employed because of their freedom of movement away from the home. They have a long history of employment in the nursing profession far in excess of their numbers as a proportion of the population as a whole while many have found work in the garments industry from the very beginning. The beauty parlours in Dhaka employ a very large number of Mandi women and, at a more menial level, many women work as domestic maids in more affluent households and for foreigners.
Exposure to urban life is slowly changing the pattern of marriage where the elders are losing control of their community with younger people finding their own partners. Dowry is not practiced in the Mandi community. Women usually don’t marry before 17-18 year of age and, with the advent of urban employment, this is going up. The overall literacy rate among the Mandis is at par with the national average while Mandi women boast a higher level of literacy.    
Photo: Mahmud/Map
Ref: Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar Saha and The Mandis (Garos) in Bangladesh by Robbins Burling in EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005)
















HAJONG 

Garo, Hajong, Koch, Dalu, Banai and Hadi – all these people live close to the Garo Hills of India. The Garos are the biggest community among these and the next in size come the Hajongs. About 20,000 Hajongs live in Susong Durgapur, Dhobaura, Komlakanda, Haluaghat, Nalitabari in greater Mymensingh and Bangshikunda, Sunamgonj, Tahirpur and Bisshamvarpur of greater Sylhet districts.  Rev. Sidne (check the spelling) Endel thinks that, during 17th century, the Hajongs were uprooted and settled in the plains of the Garo Hills. In the Kachari language of Assam, hajong means the people of the hill/mountain (ha is hill, jo is mountain and ong is human). Even though they have no script, their language is mentioned as one of Tibeto-Burman origin. Words from Bangla, Ahamia (Assamese) and Kachari are present in the Hajong spoken language which also has similarities with Garo, Koch, Banai and Hadi. 

Hajongs idenfy themselves as traditional Hindus and worship all the major gods and goddesses. They also worship the spirits of the forests and the hills as was done by their forefathers. Kamakkha Devi is their goddess of power and magic and is revered by this community. In most Hajong villages, a Kamakhha temple is seen and animal or birds are sacrificed at the altar. Nongtang is a Hajong priest who is considered free from sins and performs all the religious duties. The idol of the community god is erected in every para or village and one can conclude that, Hajongs used to live as a group in the past.

Apart from tilling the land, women do most of the chores. A Hojong woman, who sows the seedling fast, harvest the ripe paddy efficiently, collects and carries firewood from the hill, is the person fit to be a wife in the eyes of the men. In the rainy month, women catch fish with bamboo traps. It is called jhakamara. Women sing songs of jhakamara while catching the fish. Property rights belong solely to the son and if there is no male heir, the right goes to a daughter and her female children until one of them dies without a female heir when it reverts back to the males again.

The groom’s family pays dowry to the bride’s family. Parents find suitable a partner for their child and arrange for the ceremony. If a child marries without the consent of the parents, it is known as daepora biye. To be accepted by the society, the couple then have to arrange for a special ceremony for the community. When a woman fears that she is about to be cheated, she walks to the house of her lover and this is known as dangohama.
Photo: Mahmud/Map
Text: Hajong Jatishatta, edited by Mustafa Majid





















MUNDA









Turi








ORAON

Oraon people are possibly the only Dravidian ethnic group still living in Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Bagura and Serajgonj districts in the northern areas of Bangladesh. Though Kuruk is their language, it doesn’t have a script. Oraons, with the Shantals, are the two major indigenous groups in Bangladesh who live in the plains. It is believed that these two groups were the first to populate India. The Kuruk is a dying language and only the oldest of their people still speak this. For the rest (as with many other groups) the language they speak is Sadri, a modified version combining Kuruk, Bangla and Hindi.

Karam is the major festival after the monsoon months of August and September. A karam branch is cut and set on the ground. This branch is then worshipped through songs and dances in the belief that the karam tree is a protector. The legend says that when the Aryans drove them out of their former lands it was the karam tree that gave them shelter and refuge. Men and women, both married and unmarried, sing songs of Korom and Dhoram, of the two brothers and pray for good life and prosperity and the women often ask for a child – male or a female according to one’s wish – in the belief that the wish will be fulfilled.


Fagua is celebrated on the last day of Falgun (Feb-Mar). Branches from different trees are set on the ground with hay spread on top and a fire is lit at night symbolising the death of mother earth.

Sarhul is celebrated in Bengali month of Chaitra (Mar-April) and is the spring festival expecting rain. Water filled pitchers are stored in the house of the village chief and when the girls arrive dancing, the water is poured on them in the belief that this act will bring rain. In case of severe drought the village chief and his wife are seated side by side and vermilion is put on their forehead – a symbolic marriage between the earth and the sky. When water is poured on their head, the villagers cry out – barso, barso – meaning rain. 

Photo: Mahmud/Map
Ref: Ethnic Langauges of Bangladesh and Problems of their Existence  - Prof. Rafiqul & Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar Saha in EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005












RAKHAIN

The word Rakhain originated from a Pali word rakkha meaning protection. From 3325 BC to 1784 AD the Rakhain people were a principle group of Arakan in present day Myanmar. At that time Arakan was known as Rakhain pre meaning a Rakhain State. In the 9th century, the Rakhain king Chula Chandra Taing expanded his kingdom up to Cox’s Bazar and Chittagong which allowed his people to move towards the new areas. It is during the invasion of the Burmese king Bod Paya that a major exodus of the Rakhain people towards Cox’s Bazar and the forests of Barguna and Patuakhali.took place. Some sources claim that about 200,000 Rakhain people are living in Bangladesh now. Though the Rakhain are known to be a Mongoloid race, some also marked them as a mixture between Aryans and Mongols. They are followers of the Buddha. They have their own language and alphabet in the same stream of the Mongoloid language.

The Buddha worship dance takes place before starting any auspicious works. After offering flowers, candles and lamps Rakhain artists perform this dance with candles and lamps in hand. It also shows respect to the parents and elders. Weaving dance is based on songs describing the weaving technique, the colour pattern, design, and quality of the thread and the skill of a weaver. In the early days, the skilled women weavers used to earn more respect and honour for their skills. Clothes woven by Rakhain women were part of the royal clothing including the coronation ceremony and there was a custom of honouring distinguished weavers at royal functions. The cradle dance is based on lullabies for putting children to sleep. It describes the Rakhain history and its past glory, landscape of the Rakhain countries in the past and different occupations. It also covers one’s obligations towards parents, neighbours and the society at large.

Che Owen Ma is the oldest woman in Haripara village. Only 12 families are living here. “About 3000   Rakahain people are scattered about in Kalapara Thana. If you ask me about the old days, it was only jungle all around. We were the first people to settle here living on uria paddy, fruits and roots. Uria paddy grows on the islands on its own in these areas and the grains are tiny. Once the embankment was constructed, we started to dig holes and put paddy seeds in; seedlings would grow easily. From then, the scarcity of food was reduced. A few years back we had 18 buffaloes. One night they were all killed by lightning and we have become poor.”

Like other women in this village, Lau Ching is an NGO member. She saves money in one and works on social awareness issues. “In our community, no one is married at an early age. We are also fewer in numbers. The majority of our people are settled in Cox’s Bazar. The distance from here is long and social relationship and marriage with them does not really take place. We love tamarind a lot and put it in vegetable or fish curry – whichever we cook; it tastes good.”
Photo: Mahmud/Map
Ref: Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar  Saha in EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005






SANTAL

Outside the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the Shantals in the northern districts are the biggest community with 202,744 people (1991 census). They speak Santali and use both Roman and Bangla script for writing. The Bangalees call them Shaotal, while among themselves, they are known as Shantal or hor (human). Anthropologists classified the Shantals under the Proto-Astroloid family and language belonging to the Mundari origin.
As the Shantali folklore goes: Hor/Shantal came from the direction of the rising sun. In the beginning, the earth was full of water and the land was under it. The creator (Thakur Jeu) first made lives in the water. To create hor/human, he shaped two clay figures. While he tried to put life into the figures, the angry fire horse/sun rushed in from the heaven and crushed them. Thakur Jeu was sad and decided that he would not try to make hor with clay. Instead, he scrapped dirt from his chest and created two waterfowls and gave them life. The pair used to fly around but finding to place to settle down, would rest on the shoulders of Thakur Jeu. The creator felt the need to salvage land for the birds. He ordered the crocodile, lobster, boal fish and the crab to carry earth from under the water and they failed to do so. Thakur Jeu called the earthworm and it replied, “Yes, I can. But you have to ask the turtle to stay afloat on the water for me to deposit the collected soil on his back.” To ensure that the turtle stay long enough for the job to be completed, the creator tied the legs of the turtle with iron chains. This is how the earth was created and Thakur Jeu threw seeds of plants to grow.
The bird pair could find a place to nest and in due course, the female bird laid two eggs. From the eggs, there hatched a male hor and a female hor. The children were raised in a place called Heeheeri Peepeeri. The Shantals believe that the pair was their ancestors – Pilchu Bura and Pilchu Buri. They reached their adulthood and there came an old man named Lita. He taught them to brew handi/wine, to enjoy the drink. They did as advised and after getting drunk, they ‘slept together’. This was the beginning of wine consumption among the Shantalis.
The Pilchu couple became the parents of seven sons and seven daughters. Since there were no other humans on earth at that time, the parents decided to make a male child and a female child as couple. They came up with seven titles for their children and advised that, in future there should not be a marriage between a male and female hor of the same title. Shantals still follow that order. In the progression of the society, another five titles were added. These titles are: Hashda, Murmu, Kisku, Hembrom, Mardi, Shoren, Tudu, Pauria, Besra, Baske, Chore and Bedia. “One can’t find a Bedia these days; we think that they have been lost.”
The population increased and the Shantals moved to a country called Jarpi. For an unknown reason, they decided to leave that land and moved on. On the way, a tall mountain blocked their way. The people tried and not finding a way to cross, they though that the bonga (god) of the hill is blocking the way. It was decided to offer a puja to the Marangburu (big mountain) asking to show the way. An entry to the other side was found the next morning. The successive generation moved from the country of Kayende to Chai and finally settled at Champa (the country with seven rivers). The Shantals began their kingdom here and the system of the manjhi (committee to lead a village/community) begun. In the Champa country, the Kiskus were the ruling class, Murmus were the priests, Shorens were the soldiers, Hembroms were the aristocrats, Mardis the rich and the Tudus were the artisans, singers, dancers and musicians.  The Baskes were the traders and the rest worked in the fields and other jobs. The Shnatals were known as Kherwar till the Champa kingdom. The English encountered them in a place called Shant (possibly around Jhar khand of India) and named them Santal.

Of the total Shantali population in Bangladesh, a big number has converted to Chriatianity. In a traditional village, a seven-member Manjhi committee runs the community. The main members are:
1.     Manjhi – the leader and the most powerful; for all social activities like celebrating a ceremony, marriage, birth and death – all have to be informed to him and permission is sought. He with other members settle disputes in a village and the Shantals prefer not to go to the court run by the state to settle grievances.
2.     Jog-manjhi is the leader of the youths in a village – both male and female. If there is an ‘unaccepted incident relating a male and a female’, he becomes responsible for that and solves the problem with others. He leads social gatherings and looks after the guests.
3.     Naike is the priest. In a Shantali village he is more respected than the powerful Manjhi. In a gatherings or during a feast, he is saluted before the Manjhi.
4.     Kudam-Naike is the priest who takes the responsibility to save a village from the evil spirits. Should it be necessary, he would offer a puja with his blood.
The main bongas (gods and goddesses):
1.     Thakur jeu – the creator
2.     Sing bonga was found during their early migration in a mountain pass. He is revered as the most powerful. A family would offer a puja to him at least once in their lifetime or if possible, every five to six years.
3.     Ahang Jom sim bonga is the second most important god. Puja is offered to him sacrificing a goat/sheep every two years.
4.     Marag Buru/Lita is the third in importance as a god. He is offered puja every now and then.
5.     Jaher Era is a goddess. With her there are Moreko (five) bongas and known together as Turuiko (six). They receive no offerings, only their names are pronounced.
6.     Erak bonga is the house god. Each house has its own bonga and is kept as a secret by the head of the family.
7.     Abge bonga – is for each sub-title of the main twelve titles. Only the family head knows the name.

Festivals:
At present four festivals are common as each one requires a lot of resources. As most Shantal families are landless or marginal farmers, “it would be an indulgence to do so. Some moved to Christianity as religious ceremonies cost almost nothing.”

Shorhai is the biggest festival and celebrated after the paddy harvest of the month of Poush. Godet (messenger of the village committee) collects a chicken and a pot of rice from each house. Naike (priest) offers puja to Jaher Era (female god), house god (Arak Bonga) and (Abge bonga) sub-clan gods.

Baha is the spring festival (second most important) and the creator is thanked that a year is passes peacefully. Without the puja offred, women don’t put flowers in the hair even though this the time when flowers are in bloom around the villages. Two puja places are constructed for the female god, house gods and the clan/sub-clan gods. Three male youths go into a trance in the name of three bongas – Jaher Era, Moreko and Marang Buru) and singing and dancing begins. Chicken and rice is collected from each house the next day and puja offred to the gods. Food is prepared with the rice and chicken collected and women are not entitled to taste it. People return home from the puja place and offer puja to the house gods. They return in the afternoon and bring the priest to the village. He is welcomed in each house by washing his feet. He in return, gifts flower to the women washing his feet. Only then, women are allowed to wear flowers. Singing and dancing continues and huge amount of handi is consumed.

Shakrat is all about hunting, the glory and necessity of the past generations. For a Shantal, ‘everything is edible’ and the urge to hunt runs in the blood and it is the job of the male members. It is done I the winter months and after the team returns with hunted animals like wild cat, fox and civet, a puja is offered to the ancestors lond gone.

Aerok ……This is done in the month of Ashar (the peak monsoon) while it is time to sow paddy seedlings. The rituals are the same as done during the Shohrai.

 The Dasai festival is related to King Ramchandra who killed Raban with blessings from goddess Srichandi (Durga Devi of the Hindus). Salvation is sought from the goddess against war, disease and epidemic during Durga Puja. Shantals believe that they are the lost subjects of King Ram and when 70 layers of graves have been dug one on top of the other, Ram will come back to them.

During the Sarjom festival, a marriage is arranged between the sal tree and Bonbibi (the Forest Goddess).  A tree is decorated with sari and vermilion; women put sal flowers on their head and dance all night long drinking home-made wine. ???


Moushumi Murmu is a resident of Bilashi village of Kakonhat of Rajshahi. She said, “The grandfather of my grandparents mentioned that their ancestors moved here from Dumka, a hilly place in India. The kings brought them here for cultivation. When people realised that the soil is fertile and the yield is good, more people moved in. I am married for two years now. Since I have eloped with Nirmal Mardy, my father refuses to see my face. My mother comes and stays with me for a few days. Every person in my community works as an agricultural labourer. The men get 10 Takas extra in their daily wage because they start work one hour earlier than the women. We can only come to work after cleaning the house, feeding the domestic animals, cooking and feeding the children. In my opinion, the men can have a little more money since they work more than us in the fields.” 

Lakkhi Shoren lives in Sennagar village in Noagaon. She was grazing her cow, 7 geese, 2 goats and 2 sheep on the river bank. “Few of us came here in the morning. When we return for lunch, the animals will follow us. After lunch we will come back here and stay till dusk. There are a lot of prowling foxes here and we have to remain vigilant at all times. People in this locality have started to raise geese from my father’s time. The Muslims in my village are the rich families and each family has many geese. We do not have any crop land; there wasn’t any for my father-in-law either. During the 1971 war, all the Shantals fled to India. When they came back home after independence, they found that most of their land had been encroached by the Muslims. We now work as day labourers on land that belonged to our ancestors.”

Photo: Mahmud/Map
 Ref: Ethnic Langauges of Bangladesh and Problems of their Existence - Prof. Rafiqul & Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar Saha in EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005;
Shantal Shomajer Reetineeti by Gabriel Hashda.






































MONIPURI

The Monipuri community is concentrated in Sylhet, Maulavibazar, Sunamgonj and Habiganj divisions of Bangladesh. The state of Monipur in India suggests that the Monipuris in Bangladesh are descended from there. It is believed that they came to this country between 1819 and 1826 as a result of internal conflicts and annexation by the British Raj. The community is divided into three groups: Kalachhari or Bishnupria, Metei and Pangan (the Muslim Monipuri). In most cases, the Bishnupria live away from the Metei and Pangan who have been known to live side by side. The language of the Metei and the Pangan is the same while Bishnuprias use a separate language. Being of mongoloid stock, their language belongs to the Sino-Tibetan language family but in the Bishnupria language, one can find the presence of many Bangla words.



Monipuris worship Lord Bishnu and identify themselves as sanatani (traditional) worshippers. At the same time, they worship the gods and goddesses from the distant past through ancient rituals. They are known for their rich cultural heritage of which the Monipuri dance is internationally known. Ancient religious beliefs are depicted through the dance and songs. As the myth goes, Ashiba Guru created the earth by order from Atiya Guru Sidbar in heaven. Ashiba Guru, while at work, was obstructed by an evil god named Haraba Loithinggya and so, the lord of heaven created a beautiful goddess named Nongtha Loima to tame the evil god with her dancing so the creation could be completed.



Raash is the biggest festival among the Monipuris and praises Lord Krishna. Unmarried women dance around the little Krishna and Radha in the temple courtyard filled with paper decorations from midnight till the first light of dawn. The selection of Radha and Krishna from among the children in each village takes place early and rehearsals for the dance continues for more than a week.


Radhe Sina of Bodoler Gao, (a Bishnupria village) told, “In a Monipuri marriage, there is not much expenditure. The groom’s father visits the bride’s home three times and will be treated with little snacks. This shows the value of a girl – that she is able, healthy and hard working. Parents don’t get their daughters married before 20 years of age. Men don’t take more than one wife in our society. If one woman would go to the groom’s home when another woman is already there, no one will be happy. Why should one bring unhappiness to a family? During a marriage proposal, we see whether the boy can look after the girl, is there is a hand pump and sanitary latrine in the house. I got my daughter married to a boy in Gauhati. During a marriage, we contact the BDR and BSF in the border areas and they let us pass without papers and they are soft during marriages, medical care and death rituals. The border is not far from our village.”

Tunu Babu of Kuna Gaon (a Metei village) was talking about the difference between the Metei and Bishnupria, “Around 1727, King Pam Haiba forced people to convert to Hinduism although people
were observing the Shanamahi religion of their forefathers. At that time their country was called Metei Leipak (land of the Metei). At the end of the eighteen century, this name was changed to Monipur and since then, the Meteis started to call themselves Monipuri. Our biggest festival is Laharaiba like it was for our ancient forefathers.”

Photo & Text : Mahmud/Map
Ref: Ethnic Langauges of Bangladesh and Problems of their Existence - Prof. Rafiqul & Glimpses of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh by Partha Shankar Saha in EarthTouch, Vol. 9, 2005















KOCH

An estimated 17,000 people live in Nalitabari, Sribardi and Modhupur Thanas of greater Mymensingh.  According to folklore: There lived a sati jogini (virgin woman who spent all her life praying to the gods) named Rebati who worshipped Lord Shiv on the hill top. Shiv was pleased with her and married her. They had a son who became known in history as Biswa Singha. “We are descendants of King Bishwa Singha.” Some researchers think that, from the sangkoch (in troubled mind, indecisive) of the Khotreeo people, the word Koch has derived. Another folk tale suggests that they were given that name since they hid in a forest named Koch after being defeated by King Parshuram. Among the Koch, the following clans exist: Hargia, Wanang, Shatpari, Tintikia, Dashgia, Khunparia and Mashanta. According to the historians, a Koch king named Danujmardan ruled Bengal in the 15th century after whose name, Dinajpur district was named. In the 16th century, Koch king Biswa Singha moved his capital from Chikon village to another area which later became known as Kooch Bihar. It is believed that the Burman and the Koch are the same people. Since the Burmans migrated from Kooch Bihar, they were known as Koch.

Koch people believe that the land is a blessing from Mother Nature. They don’t believe in ownership of land; “it is to be tilled for survival; it is not for buying and selling. In the old days, our ancestors would refrain from cultivation in the same land on the 3rd year.” Tha was their ancestral language but this is almost lost now. Nabanna is the main festival and takes place after the late monsoon harvest. Before consuming the new rice, a preparation made out of rice, rice powder, lentil and vegetables is given in sacrifice in memory of their ancestors. 

Photo: Mahmud/Map













Indigenous people, Tribal people

In the textbooks, they have been mentioned as tribal people for years and in the recent years, the word indigenous is also being used. Although the Bengali speaking population (one ethnic and lingistic group) are the majority of the Bangladeshi population, the indigenous communities, both in the plains and in the hills, amounts to roughly 1.2 percent of the total population and are some of the most politically marginalized and socio-economically disadvantaged peoples in the country. Denial to land rights can be identified as the major factor, which affected their livelihood, as well as identity dated back from the British period. The worst happened to them during the independence of the nation when most of their land were grabbed by the Bangalees in the plains while in the hills, the one-eyed government policy, helped the same oppressors to possess more lands belonged to the indigenous communties for many generations.


KHASI
All the Khasi people live in and around the teas estates and fringe villages of Kulaura and Srimangal close to Indian state of Tripura. Khasi people are renowned for their betel leaf plantations and are shy and peaceful. Dowry is not practised in this community. A daughter gets the lion’s share of her parents’ property. When a daughter is married and goes to her husband’s home, the plantation is looked after by her brothers. 
Kakinji Punji was established by Brand Khasia 45 years back in Maulavibazar. “I have arranged for the record with the forest department. For the right of betel leaf plantation in the reserve forest for 60 families, we plant timber saplings, weeding and looking after the forest. We also grow betel nut, orange, lemon and banana. The oranges should be picked green or else the gandhi insects ruin them. We call ourselves khasi.”   
  Photo & text: Mahmud/Map













BANAI






MAHALI
The main profession of the Mahali people, both men and women, is making bamboo items like winnowers and baskets to store and carry food items. They are scattered around the greater Rajshahi district. It is said that their ancestors came from Rachi, Dumka, Chotanagpur, Matipahar, Hazaribagh, Pharpur, Pukuria in India due to “food shortage and  torture by the tax collectors” towards the end of  the 17th century. An estimated 5 thousand Mahalis now live in Bangladesh.
Leading an easy life (though survival is always a challenge) they observe two major festivals – Karma and Jitia. Karma is for the unmarried young women and only they can take part in it. Jitia is observed for protection against evil by sacrificing a male goat. Although many have been converted to Christianity, the old rituals are still followed.
 Of the 4 clans, Rajmahali and the Nagpuria Mahalis speak the Nagri language while the Kolhe and the Bhuiya Mahalis speak a different dialect. In the family life, women lead the way as “men like to be under the control of their wives.” They are known to be peaceful. “You can’t find an incident where one Mahali killed another Mahali in the recent past.”   
  Photo: Mahmud/Map
Text: Monjur Rashid






MAHATO

During the Karam festival, Mahato women become vegetarians for a week and offer pujas to the ancient god for the peace of the family life, good health and for a child. In every house home made pies and wine is consumed in abundance. The relatives come with their families. Men and women dance holding each other’s waist around the karam branch dug in the courtyard of the house. They sing the legends of    the two brothers – Korom and Dhrom. Through the songs they depict how the karam branch gave shelter to Dhorom. This is the same tree that is considered to be saviour and god to the Mahatos.

Photo & text:Mahmud/Map
















PAHAN
“Man or woman, whoever it is, we use the Pahan title after our name. During a marriage ceremony, the groom gives one saree to the bride and one for his mother-in-law. Later, the new wife gets another one.   Things are also changing these days. Seeing the Bangalees, men are now demanding dowry. We have heard that our forefathers came here from Nagpur in India; they were brought here to clear the forest land.”

I was talking to two indigenous women named Maloti Pahan and Shanti Pahan. The Indian barbed wire fence is only a kilometre away from this village. They had croplands before but don’t have any now. “We have a few shal trees within the boundary of our house though we have no right to cut them down. If we do that, the forester will file a case against us. Paying some bribes ensures some logs from the forest.”
 
Maishontosh, Dhamurhat, Noagaon
Photo & text: Mahmud/Map















DALU

About 1000 Dalu people live in Bangladesh in 19 villages (they live together with other communities) spread all over Nalitabari thana of Sherpur district. Meghnad Dalu is one of the few educated persons in this community. He said, “Our language is lost. Being with the Bangalees for 1200 years, we speak the Bangla dialect spoken by the people of Sherpur. In Tura of Meghalaya of India, there is a big Dalu community.”

Dalus work as agricultural labourers in a group. They work on a contract basis: for planting one acre of paddy seedlings the charge is 1500 Takas; for weeding, 500 Takas; for harvesting and transporting back to the owner’s house, 1200 Takas. “This way, a person can only ensure a daily earning of 60-70 Takas. However, since both husband and wife and other adult family members work together, life somehow goes on.”


Two grandmothers, Bulbuli Dalu and Nimbali Dalu were enjoying the winter morning sun having their betel leaf and betel nut . Joynad Dalu was also close by talking about the past. “In the old days, a match-maker would kill all the grasses between the two houses walking many times. The father of a girl would like to know the dowry items promised and the way it was to be given; the value of a girl used to be honoured. Not any more.”

“I was 16 years old during the British rule. I joined the communist league and Shorbesh Dalu was my leader. When the police would raid the village, we ran away to the forest. Our slogan was: Let the Rajas and the Zamaindars be uprooted, let the Tevaga rule. We only had sticks to defend ourselves with. We have been looted 3 times, once in 1947, once in 1964 and lastly during the shonggram (liberation of 1971); 3 riots made us poor. The Muslims took our gold and silver, cattle and food grains and drove many away from their lands. They threatened us, “Leave! Go to Assam. This is not your place. The place for Hindus is Hindustan.”

“In the Pakistan period, if one would borrow 1 rupee, he had to pay it back with 15 kilograms of paddy. Over the years, the interest would grow and the moneylender would say, “Pay off the debt with your property. There are similarities between Dalu, Koch and Hodi languages; we understand each other as we speak the local Bangla dialect with a few indigenous words.”

Photo & Text: Mahmud/Map










RAJBANGSHI



Different anthropologists, researchers and social scientists agree that Rajbangshi people are a mixture between the Koch and the Palias. The Koch people first settled in Assam and Kooch Bihar in India.  Different journals and censuses in Assam suggest that, during the second part of the 16th century, the people of King Hajo changed their Koch title to Rajbangshi. This was a matrilineal society and even 50 years back, the custom of paying dowry to the bride was practised. At present, a token money is only given to the girl’s father.





In gagoch system in the past, a male suitor was allowed to stay with the daughter and after sometime, if the parents would feel that the boy was the right one, the marriage ceremony would be arranged between the two. In the past in a widow marriage or a ghor shodhani biye, a widow would enter the house of the man she liked, perform all the household chores and share his bed. If they could continue for few days, they would be socially accepted as husband and wife.


 In the northern district, it is believed that medicine administered by a woman does not cure a patient. In a social custom, a woman can’t talk to the older brother-in-law and she is forbidden to utter his name in public or in secret. If there is a physical contact with him, as part of atonement, he has to fast and eat his dinner by counting stars. If a woman gives birth to a dead child or the child dies within a few days, it is believed that if the next born child is married immediately, he/she will not die also. This is known as gao chuwa biye and in the north one can find child couples between the ages of 2-3 months or 2-3 years.


Hudum deo is the god of rain. In the dry months of Chaitra – Baishakh, on an appointed night, women erect banana trunk on untilled land and dance naked expecting rain. It is believed that this god is afraid of nakedness and sends rain without delay. For men and male children, it is forbidden to watch this ceremony. If someone violates this rule, he might go blind or there will be no rain on earth.

On the day of marriage, a barber is called to clip the nails of the bride and the groom. A puja is offered to the water goddess known as gangaboron. The bride and the groom are given a bath in their respective houses with the gangaboron water and yellow clothes are put on them. After a while, new clothes are put on the groom and the barber place a dorpon (round object with brass handle and the sign of a shield) in one hand and the topmost frond of a banana plant (sign of a an arrow) in the other hand.

The Rajbangshis believe that the groom finds a wife after a fight. Threads are tied on the right wrist of the groom to ward of evil spirits and ghosts.
 When he is about to start for the bride’s house and asks for his parent’s blessings, his mother asks, “Where are you going, my son?”
 He replies, “I am off to find you a maid servant, mother.”

Photo: Mahmud/Map
Text: Ashok Biswas













Location
Indigenous Communities
Bandarban, Rangamati, Khagrachari
Chakma, Taunchangya, Marma, Tripura, Mro, Khyang, Chak, Bawm, Pankhua, Lushei, Khumi, Riang
Cox’s Bazar, Patualkhali
Rakahain
Sylhet, Srimalgal, Kulaura, Maulavibazar
Khasia, Monipuri, Patro
Tangail, Haluaghat, Sherpur
Garo, Hajong, Dolui, Barman, Banai
Rajshahi, Noagaon, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Joypurhat, Serajganj, Khulna
Shantal, Oraon, Pahan, Munda, Rajbangshi, Mahato, Malo, Mahali, Turi, Kormokar, Rishi, Shing